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Anxiety patterns and performance

This is an excerpt from Psychological Dynamics of Physical Activity-5th Edition by Diane L Gill,Erin J Reifsteck,DeAnne Davis Brooks,DeAnne Davis Brooks.

Multidimensional models capture the complexities of the anxiety–­performance relationship, but most of the related research looks at anxiety only once, typically just before ­performance. Another line of research adds greater insights by looking at anxiety and emotion over time. Psychologist Walter Fenz (1975, 1988) added impor­tant insights with his early innovative studies of parachute jumpers. Fenz went out into the field, or rather into the air, and recorded changes and patterns over time. Over several studies using varied methods and ­measures of emotion, the findings ­were consistent. Good performers and experienced jumpers did not differ from poorly skilled or novice jumpers in absolute levels. Instead, they differed in anxiety patterns over time (figure 10.2).

Fenz found that heart rates of poor performers increased from arrival at the airport to the time of the jump. Good performers increased in arousal at first, but they peaked ­earlier and gradually decreased in arousal so that they ­were at moderate levels at the time of the jump. In another study (illustrated in figure 10.2), using self-­reported ratings of anxiety, experienced jumpers had higher anxiety levels the day before the jump, but then anxiety levels decreased and ­were at lower levels at the time of the jump. Novice jumpers, in contrast, started lower but then increased and ­were at peak anxiety levels right at the time of ­performance. Interestingly, ­after jumping, experienced jumpers increased (likely preparing for landing), whereas novices dropped back to low levels. Fenz’s work suggests that the difference between better and poorer performers is not a difference in absolute levels but a difference in the ability to control emotion. Good performers seem to bring anxiety ­under control so that they are at moderate levels at the time of ­performance.

Additional studies suggest that emotional control can be disrupted even in experienced, skilled performers. Fenz (1975) reported that one experienced jumper broke an ankle on a jump. Upon returning, this jumper reverted to the novice’s pattern of continual increases in arousal up to the jump. Athletes returning to competition ­after injury might well exhibit similar patterns. In another study, an experienced jumper was told his chute could malfunction during any of the next 10 jumps. Although the jumper had an emergency chute and knew emergency procedures, the perceived threat (cognitive appraisal) of malfunction led to arousal patterns similar to ­those of novices, with continual increases to a peak up to the time of the jump.

In one particularly encouraging training study, Fenz (1988) taught anxiety-­control techniques to novice jumpers before their first jump. Even in their first jumps, the trained group demonstrated the controlled arousal pattern of the experienced jumpers. Fenz reported that the experimental jumpers had more fun during their training, and several eventually became experienced skydivers, suggesting that emotional control training may benefit even novice athletes.

In similar research with Olympic qualifiers and nonqualifiers, Mahoney and Avener (1977) examined anxiety patterns over time. Retrospective reports revealed that the qualifiers’ anxiety levels ­were just as high as ­those of nonqualifiers before ­performance, but qualifiers reported lower anxiety than nonqualifiers during ­performance. As with the parachutists, the better performers seemed to bring anxiety ­under control at the right time.

Mahoney (1979) suggested that differences in cognitions accompany the differences in anxiety patterns. The qualifiers seemed to approach competition with a task orientation and focus their attention on the task. In contrast, nonqualifiers worried more about being anxious. One Olympic qualifier described high anxiety, but then shifted thoughts from worry to the ­performance:

I get out ­there and ­they’re waiting for me and all I can think is how scared I am. Twelve years I’ve worked to lay my life on the line for 30 seconds. Then I try to concentrate—”O.K., this is it; it’s now or never. Let’s pay attention to your tuck, stay strong on the press-­out, and be ready for that dismount.” I just start coaching myself. (Mahoney, 1979, p. 436)

More recent reviews of emotion and performance research (Janelle et al., 2020; Ruiz and Robazzo, 2020) note that negative emotions, especially anxiety, are dominant, but research in sport and exercise psy­chol­ogy has expanded to a wider range of emotions. For example, Woodman et al. (2009) used Lazarus’ cognitive–­motivational–­relational theory and looked at the influence of happiness, hope, and anger on ­performance. In line with Lazarus’ themes, they found that anger improved muscular peak force ­performance, whereas hope improved reaction-­time ­performance in soccer players. Both reviews also highlight the IZOF model, which has expanded to multiple emotions, and note that most current research considers cognitive and somatic components and interactions.

The early work of Fenz and Mahoney highlighted both changing patterns over time and individual differences. Individual differences in the ability to control anxiety are major concerns in competitive sport programs, and indeed, in all physical activity settings. Both Janelle et al. (2020) and Ruiz and Robazzo (2020) emphasize recognizing individual patterns and considering both the individual and context in emotion regulation.

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